Our Mania For Hope Is A Curse

| Educate!

Demonstrators protesting the influence of big corporations march on Wall Street amid heavy police presence in 2011. (AP / John Minchillo)

The naive belief that history is linear, that moral progress accompanies technical progress, is a form of collective self-delusion. It cripples our capacity for radical action and lulls us into a false sense of security. Those who cling to the myth of human progress, who believe that the world inevitably moves toward a higher material and moral state, are held captive by power. Only those who accept the very real possibility of dystopia, of the rise of a ruthless corporate totalitarianism, buttressed by the most terrifying security and surveillance apparatus in human history, are likely to carry out the self-sacrifice necessary for revolt.

The yearning for positivism that pervades our corporate culture ignores human nature and human history. But to challenge it, to state the obvious fact that things are getting worse, and may soon get much worse, is to be tossed out of the circle of magical thinking that defines American and much of Western culture. The left is as infected with this mania for hope as the right. It is a mania that obscures reality even as global capitalism disintegrates and the ecosystem unravels, potentially dooming us all.

The 19th century theorist Louis-Auguste Blanqui, unlike nearly all of his contemporaries, dismissed the belief, central to Karl Marx, that human history is a linear progression toward equality and greater morality. He warned that this absurd positivism is the lie perpetrated by oppressors: “All atrocities of the victor, the long series of his attacks are coldly transformed into constant, inevitable evolution, like that of nature. … But the sequence of human things is not inevitable like that of the universe. It can be changed at any moment.” He foresaw that scientific and technological advancement, rather than being a harbinger of progress, could be “a terrible weapon in the hands of Capital against Work and Thought.” And in a day when few others did so, he decried the despoiling of the natural world. “The axe fells, nobody replants. There is no concern for the future’s ill health.”

“Humanity,” Blanqui wrote, “is never stationary. It advances or goes backwards. Its progressive march leads it to equality. Its regressive march goes back through every stage of privilege to human slavery, the final word of the right to property.” Further, he wrote, “I am not amongst those who claim that progress can be taken for granted, that humanity cannot go backwards.”

Blanqui understood that history has long periods of cultural barrenness and brutal repression. The fall of the Roman Empire, for example, led to misery throughout Europe during the Dark Ages, roughly from the sixth through the 13th centuries. There was a loss of technical knowledge (one prominent example being how to build and maintain aqueducts), and a cultural and intellectual impoverishment led to a vast historical amnesia that blotted out the greatest thinkers and artists of the classical world. None of this loss was regained until the 14th century when Europe saw the beginning of the Renaissance, a development made possible largely by the cultural flourishing of Islam, which through translating Aristotle into Arabic and other intellectual accomplishments kept alive the knowledge and wisdom of the past. The Dark Ages were marked by arbitrary rule, incessant wars, insecurity, anarchy and terror. And I see nothing to prevent the rise of a new Dark Age if we do not abolish the corporate state. Indeed, the longer the corporate state holds power the more likely a new Dark Age becomes. To trust in some mythical force called progress to save us is to become passive before corporate power. The people alone can defy these forces. And fate and history do not ensure our victory.

Blanqui tasted history’s tragic reverses. He took part in a series of French revolts, including an attempted armed insurrection in May 1839, the 1848 uprising and the Paris Commune—a socialist uprising that controlled France’s capital from March 18 until May 28 in 1871. Workers in cities such as Marseilles and Lyon attempted but failed to organize similar communes before the Paris Commune was militarily crushed.

The blundering history of the human race is always given coherence by power elites and their courtiers in the press and academia who endow it with a meaning and coherence it lacks. They need to manufacture national myths to hide the greed, violence and stupidity that characterize the march of most human societies. For the United States, refusal to confront the crisis of climate change and our endless and costly wars in the Middle East are but two examples of the follies that propel us toward catastrophe.

Wisdom is not knowledge. Knowledge deals with the particular and the actual. Knowledge is the domain of science and technology. Wisdom is about transcendence. Wisdom allows us to see and accept reality, no matter how bleak that reality may be. It is only through wisdom that we are able to cope with the messiness and absurdity of life. Wisdom is about detachment. Once wisdom is achieved, the idea of moral progress is obliterated. Wisdom throughout the ages is a constant. Did Shakespeare supersede Sophocles? Is Homer inferior to Dante? Does the Book of Ecclesiastes not have the same deep powers of observation about life that Samuel Beckett offers? Systems of power fear and seek to silence those who achieve wisdom, which is what the war by corporate forces against the humanities and art is about. Wisdom, because it sees through the facade, is a threat to power. It exposes the lies and ideologies that power uses to maintain its privilege and its warped ideology of progress.

Knowledge does not lead to wisdom. Knowledge is more often a tool for repression. Knowledge, through the careful selection and manipulation of facts, gives a false unity to reality. It creates a fictitious collective memory and narrative. It manufactures abstract concepts of honor, glory, heroism, duty and destiny that buttress the power of the state, feed the disease of nationalism and call for blind obedience in the name of patriotism. It allows human beings to explain the advances and reverses in human achievement and morality, as well as the process of birth and decay in the natural world, as parts of a vast movement forward in time. The collective enthusiasm for manufactured national and personal narratives, which is a form of self-exaltation, blots out reality. The myths we create that foster a fictitious hope and false sense of superiority are celebrations of ourselves. They mock wisdom. And they keep us passive.

Wisdom connects us with forces that cannot be measured empirically and that are outside the confines of the rational world. To be wise is to pay homage to beauty, truth, grief, the brevity of life, our own mortality, love and the absurdity and mystery of existence. It is, in short, to honor the sacred. Those who remain trapped in the dogmas perpetuated by technology and knowledge, who believe in the inevitability of human progress, are idiot savants.

“Self-awareness is as much a disability as a power,” the philosopher John Gray writes. “The most accomplished pianist is not the one who is most aware of her movements when she plays. The best craftsman may not know how he works. Very often we are at our most skillful when we are least self-aware. That may be why many cultures have sought to disrupt or diminish self-conscious awareness. In Japan, archers are taught that they will hit the target only when they no longer think of it—or themselves.”

Artists and philosophers, who expose the mercurial undercurrents of the subconscious, allow us to face an unvarnished truth. Works of art and philosophy informed by the intuitive, unarticulated meanderings of the human psyche transcend those constructed by the plodding conscious mind. The freeing potency of visceral memories does not arrive through the intellect. These memories are impervious to rational control. And they alone lead to wisdom.

Those with power have always manipulated reality and created ideologies defined as progress to justify systems of exploitation. Monarchs and religious authorities did this in the Middle Ages. Today this is done by the high priests of modernity—the technocrats, scholars, scientists, politicians, journalists and economists. They deform reality. They foster the myth of preordained inevitability and pure rationality. But such knowledge—which dominates our universities—is anti-thought. It precludes all alternatives. It is used to end discussion. It is designed to give to the forces of science or the free market or globalization a veneer of rational discourse, to persuade us to place our faith in these forces and trust our fate to them. These forces, the experts assure us, are as unalterable as nature. They will lead us forward. To question them is heresy.

The Austrian writer Stefan Zweig, in his 1942 novella “Chess Story,” chronicles the arcane specializations that have created technocrats unable to question the systems they serve, as well as a society that foolishly reveres them. Mirko Czentovic, the world chess champion, represents the technocrat. His mental energy is invested solely in the 64 squares of the chessboard. Apart from the game, he is a dolt, a monomaniac like all monomaniacs, who “burrow like termites into their own particular material to construct, in miniature, a strange and utterly individual image of the world.” When Czentovic “senses an educated person he crawls into his shell. That way no one will ever be able to boast of having heard him say something stupid or of having plumbed the depths of his seemingly boundless ignorance.”

An Austrian lawyer known as Dr. B, whom the Gestapo had held for many months in solitary confinement, challenges Czentovic to a game of chess. During his confinement, the lawyer’s only reading material was a chess manual, which he memorized. He reconstructed games in his head. Forced by his captivity to replicate the single-minded obsession of the technocrat Czentovic, Dr. B too became trapped inside a specialized world, and, unlike Czentovic, he became insane temporarily as he focused on a tiny, specialized piece of human activity. When he challenges the chess champion, his insanity returns.

Zweig, who mourned for the broad liberal culture of educated Europe swallowed up by fascism and modern bureaucracy, warns of the absurdity and danger of a planet run by technocrats. For him, the rise of the Industrial Age and the industrial man and woman is a terrifying metamorphosis in the relationship of human beings to the world. As specialists and bureaucrats, human beings become tools, able to make systems of exploitation and even terror function efficiently without the slightest sense of personal responsibility or understanding. They retreat into the arcane language of all specialists, to mask what they are doing and give to their work a sanitized, clinical veneer.

This is Hannah Arendt’s central point in “Eichmann in Jerusalem.” Technocratic human beings are spiritually dead. They are capable of anything, no matter how heinous, because they do not reflect upon or question the ultimate goal. “The longer one listened to him,” Arendt writes of the Nazi Adolf Eichmann on trial, “the more obvious it became that his inability to speak was closely connected with an inability to think, namely, to think from the standpoint of somebody else. No communication was possible with him, not because he lied but because he was surrounded by the most reliable of all safeguards against the words and presence of others, and hence against reality as such.”

Zweig, horrified by a world run by technocrats, committed suicide with his wife in 1942. He knew that from then on, the Czentovics would be exalted in the service of state and corporate monstrosities.

Resistance, as Alexander Berkman points out, is first about learning to speak differently and abandoning the vocabulary of the “rational” technocrats who rule. Once we discover new words and ideas through which to perceive and explain reality, we free ourselves from neoliberal capitalism, which functions, as Walter Benjamin knew, like a state religion. Resistance will take place outside the boundaries of popular culture and academia, where the deadening weight of the dominant ideology curtails creativity and independent thought.

As global capitalism disintegrates, the heresy our corporate masters fear is gaining currency. But that heresy will not be effective until it is divorced from the mania for hope that is an essential part of corporate indoctrination. The ridiculous positivism, the belief that we are headed toward some glorious future, defies reality. Hope, in this sense, is a form of disempowerment.

There is nothing inevitable about human existence except birth and death. There are no forces, whether divine or technical, that will guarantee us a better future. When we give up false hopes, when we see human nature and history for what they are, when we accept that progress is not preordained, then we can act with an urgency and passion that comprehends the grim possibilities ahead.

  • AlanMacDonald

    What’s really a “curse”, Chris, is a failure to recognize the EMPIRE
    hiding in plain sight in the burning kitchen of our dying democratic

    The only way to EFFECTIVELY protest NON-violently is to
    publicly, loudly, and continually; ‘call-out’, expose, and educate Americans that the US is acting like an EMPIRE abroad and TYRANNY at home.

    Signs and protesting needs to be focused on ‘shouting-out’:

    “Stop the EMPIRE”

    Police, Please “PROTECT and SERVE” We the People against this EMPIRE

    Terminate TYRANNY

    Liberty, democracy, equality, and justice

    Alan MacDonald

    When Hedges speaks of “Dark Ages” he should read and understand this from Morris Berman’s fabulously revealing book, “Dark Ages America: The FINAL Phase of EMPIRE”

    As Zygmunt Bauman hauntingly puts it, “In the case of an ailing social order, the absence of an adequate diagnosis…is a crucial, perhaps decisive, part of the disease.”13

    Berman, Morris (2011-02-07). Dark Ages America: The Final Phase of Empire (p. 22). Norton. Kindle Edition.

    Today it is Crystal clear that the hidden disease is cancerous EMPIRE, or as might have been said in the Clinton era/error — “It’s the EMPIRE, stupid”!

    PS2. Hedges mentioned it only once in relation to the Roman Empire, and not related to the US now being the HQ of this Disguised Global (crony) Capitalist EMPIRE, merely ‘posing’ as our former country.

    I’m tempted to rewrite the old song with up-dated lyrics:

    “Where has all the thinking gone, Long time passing?

    Where has all the thinking gone, On the leftish Left?”

    If the leftish, progressive-lite, and supposedly alt media can no longer see the Empire for the trees/issues — then get a new chain saw.

  • I find it interesting that despite the energy Hedges invests in his criticism of rationalism and industrialism, the history of science itself proves his point. Theories have struggled against the ruling consensus for years or decades before being accepted, and there have been dead ends, feuds, revolutions, and setbacks- everything *but* the nice, neat ordered progression that Hedges (and popular culture) perceive it as.

  • AlanMacDonald

    What Hedges is talking about is what I tend to call the
    Empire’s ‘big tools’, like; myth, mystery, tribalism, ethnicity,
    fundamentalist religion, nationalism, racism, law, technology, military strategy, economics, modern politics, media, ideology, et al. —- all of which Empire will inexorably apply to serve Empire (through ‘Empire-thinkers’) and to suppress any attempts to reform or overthrow Empire by the natural majority of empathetic and loving ‘democracy-thinkers’.

    In 2007, to discuss how the aligned Empires in Vichy America and Vichy Israel worked to confuse and misrepresent the majority of their people, I wrote:

    “Fighter pilots have a saying that, ‘speed is life’.

    But, for all the rest of us, “inclusiveness is life” — and tribalism is death by the oldest lie of empire.

    Racism is another deadly old lie of empire, as is aggressively fundamentalist religion.

    Nationalism is a somewhat newer lie of empire, proving particularly deadly in the 20th century.

    While, economic ideology is the newest, and current, lie of empire (which is causing our economic and environmental collapse).

    But all the lies and deceptions of “empire-thinking” lead ineluctably to the very same grave — so choose your empire poison, stupidly. Or choose your inclusiveness, wisely.”

    Hedges is certainly correct that diseased ‘states’ (as he calls
    Empires) will always employ the means of money and other enticements to the ethically void or amoral to use their “knowledge” to game the system in favor of Empire. And thus Empire is a force that has ebbed, but is now advancing to global proportions in our 21st century post-nation-state world.

    But I would be a bit more optimistic (if not really ‘hopeful’) that
    several factors outside of merely knowledge may well give justification for some alternatives to the consuming black-hole of this current Disguised Global (crony) Capitalist Empire at the event horizon we are fast approaching.

    First, there is some significant possibility that the most
    Americanized myth of forward progress. which is oft called the ‘Americansystem’ (and which might more accurately be termed the system for an Empire to disguise itself, and still accumulate all wealth to the metropole of the Empire) may well be discovered to be a fraud in a third Great (but not existential) Economic Crash — 1929, 2008, and 2016? — such that the proximity of the 2nd and 3rd are close enough to reinforce the same memories (which the 1st and second did not).

    This first ‘hopeful’ possibility to realize and recognize the
    danger/damage of the cancer of this Disguised Global Capitalist Empire may well be reinforced by some of the more ethical, empathetic, wise, and also ‘knowledgeable’ economic experts like; Krugman, Stiglitz, Wolff, et al. to use the ‘crash event’ as a teaching moment to educate the people about the vast difference between economic ‘models’ which totally ignore ‘negative externality cost dumping’ and the now essential need in the ‘real world’ to be mindful of ‘negative externality costs’.

    However, the process of educating a sufficient portion of the
    population to actually start a non-violent Second American Revolution against Empire would likely be a difficult accomplishment within the timeframe that we are likely to need.

    Secondly, on a potentially positive note, the small but growing
    principled progressive left community, the more politically conscience Black community (at the tip of the Empire’s spear), and the principled anti-war (and anti-empire) libertarian community could conceivably aggregate all of their various (and useless); ‘identity issues’ and subordinate ‘symptom problems’ and coalesce and cooperate in a broader coalition of popular resistance in peaceful and non-violently simply exposing, and ‘outing’ the Disguised Global Capitalist Empire as being
    an Empire — which since the mid 20th century has been an unpopular and thus unmentionable thing to actually be.

    If this later ‘hopeful’ condition could be made to arise organically
    (as the “Occupy”-something movement did) but could have its populist progressive energy actually directed and focused on diagnosing, exposing, and ‘shouting out’ the Empire — this would likely be an escape path from Empire which would be less damaging that waiting for the economic crash scenario to occur.

    As Zygmunt Bauman hauntingly puts it, “In the case of an ailing
    social order, the absence of an adequate diagnosis…is a crucial, perhaps decisive, part of the disease.”13

    Berman, Morris (2011-02-07). Dark Ages America: The Final Phase of Empire (p. 22). Norton. Kindle Edition.

    What the hell, it could be possible, if as George C. Scott said in “Dr. Strangelove”, “depending on the breaks”.

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