Sudan is experiencing its fourth week of conflict between two military factions, which has caused the death of over 700 people. Sudanese civilians have fled the capital and the country altogether while the fighting continues with no end in sight. Commentators have so far focused on the military factions and ethnic conflicts. A reductive explanation has been given for the food crisis in Sudan, such as economic crisis, climate change, and the Ukraine war. The significance of macroeconomic policies and the institutions that promote them at the root of these crises tend to be overlooked. Toppling over the breadbasket The IMF imposed liberalization in Sudan, particularly in the agricultural sector, to promote exports.
Over 180 people have been killed and more than 1,800 injured as the fighting within Sudan’s security forces continued in several densely populated cities for the third day. The figures were announced in a press conference given by Volker Perthes, United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sudan, on Monday April 17. The highest number of deaths have been reported in the capital Khartoum city where Sudan’s powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) is trying to capture key areas and infrastructure from the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). Led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, aka Hemeti, the deputy chairman of the military junta ruling since the coup in October 2021, the RSF is battling the army for the Presidential Palace, the HQ of SAF, the airport, as well as other key areas in the capital.
Revolutionary slogans and music defying the military junta continue to resonate from at least four sit-in protests in Sudan as on Monday, July 11, eleven days after security forces injured over 600 during the landmark anti-coup protests on June 30. Efforts are underway to organize a total civil disobedience campaign and political general strike. Sudan’s pro-democracy protest movement is arguably at its strongest since the coup on October 25, 2021, and growing despite the continuing attacks on sit-ins and the custodial torture of detainees. The over 5,000 neighborhood Resistance Committees (RCs) across Sudan, which are leading the struggle against the junta, “are working hard to produce a unified political charter”, said Muaz Khalil, spokesperson of the RCs in Al Kalakla Al Quteia neighborhood of capital city Khartoum.
Protesters have erected barricades across roads in Sudan’s capital Khartoum and some shops and offices were shut as a two-day general strike and civil disobedience campaign began in response to demonstrators’ deaths. Neighborhood resistance committees and political parties called the strike starting on Tuesday after seven people were killed in Khartoum on Monday in one of the deadliest days to date in a series of demonstrations against a military takeover on October 25. Protesters are demanding the military, which had been sharing power with civilian groups before the coup, quit politics completely. “It is our duty to resist them until we are victorious or they rule an empty country after they have killed us all,” the Khartoum State resistance committees said in a statement.
Since achieving independence in 1956, Sudan has had a number of military coup governments and popular revolutions that overthrew them. Most recently, the Sudanese people ousted the thirty year long dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir at the end of 2018 only to replace him with another military-led government and a civilian figure head. Clearing the FOG speaks with Ahmed Kaballo, a British-Sudanese journalist and producer who just released his two-part documentary called "Sudan's Unfinished Revolution," which you can find here and here. Kaballo describes the history of the struggle in Sudan, the dire situation facing Sudan right now and the powers behind the current government. He exposes the lies being told in the corporate media about the fight for democracy in Sudan.
Hamdok was returned to his previous post Sunday following nearly a month spent under house arrest after Sudanese army chief Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan deposed the civilian government in a dramatic coup d’etat on Oct. 25. Proponents of civilian rule were quick to denounce the 14-point agreement, and prominent activist groups, such as Forces for Freedom and Change and the Sudanese Professionals Association, have pledged to continue mobilizing until full civilian rule is restored. Huge crowds of Sudanese demonstrators took to the streets of Khartoum Sunday immediately after the deal was announced to condemn the arrangement. Sudan's military reinstated Prime Minister Abdalla #Hamdok on Sunday after weeks of deadly unrest triggered by a coup. However, protests continued in the capital.
Demanding a full transfer of state power from military to civilian authority, millions of pro-democracy protesters took to the streets in a show of force in cities and towns across Sudan on Thursday, October 21. “The rallies and marches went on for kilometers long,” said Osman Saeed Abu Kumbal, a member of the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) who took part in the protest in Omdurman, the twin city of capital Khartoum. Some protesters in Omdurman were injured when the riot police intermittently fired rubber bullets and even live ammunition as the rally marched towards the parliament building, which has remained unused for years as there is no functioning legislature in the country. Originally, a single demonstration had been planned for the entire Khartoum state – which consists of Khartoum, Khartoum North and Omdurman.
Red Lines host Anya Parampil speaks with Vijay Prashad, historian and Chief Correspondent for Globetrotter, about the military's recent takeover in Myanmar. "The first thing that people should know is that Aung San was the state councilor based on an agreement made between the military in Myanmar, the opposition movements that had been built after the Great Saffron Revolution, the protest movement of people who were young at that time - now 13, 14 years ago. It was an agreement also which included western capitals, including the United States of America, the Obama administration played a role in it later, but it was there, which enabled Aung San to become the state councilor based on a constitution which the military the military had written, the 2008 Constitution. That constitution is an odd one."