Egypt

The contemporary Egyptian Revolution commenced after a popular uprising on January 25, 2011, whereby millions of protesters from diverse socio-economic, political and religious backgrounds demanded the overthrow of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. The Egyptian army's ousting of the democratically-elected president, Mohammed Morsi, in a military coup on July 3, 2013, marked a new phase of the revolution. This new phase has gripped the attention of humanity as the differing paths become clear. Will the popular progressive forces of workers, grassroots women, students, cultural workers, journalists and the secular elements of religious tolerance be able to build a new form of politics to break the power of the military and entrenched social and economic forces? Or, will the military along with their external allies and bankrollers in the United States and Saudi Arabia thrust the society into civil war?

So to the question, “Is it a good thing that Morsi has been deposed through a popular uprising, even if it was supported by a junta that should be next?” the answer is invariably yes. But that is not at all the correct question to ask. The correct question is: NOW THAT A POPULAR UPRISING HAS RESULTED IN MORSI'S DOWNFALL, WILL THE EGYPTIAN PEOPLE, WHETHER THEY ARE AGAINST OR FOR THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD, MANAGE TO REPLACE MILITARY RULE WITH THE RULE OF THE PEOPLE? Why is it so important that we ask the right question? Given the degree to which the Egyptian military does the bidding of the US government, a good deal of the answer relies upon us, exercising our agency the way that the Egyptian people have. If there's an affirmative answer to the question, "Will the Egyptian people manage to bring down the military as a first step towards true democracy?" it probably involves the American people fighting for true democracy here in the United States as well.

Eschewing the romanticism associated with revolution and the sentimentality connected to seeing the “masses in motion,” it has to be concluded that between February 2011, when Mubarak was ousted, and July 3, 2013, when the military officially reassumed power, there was no revolutionary process at all, in the sense that there was no transfer of power away from the class forces that dominated Egyptian society. No restructuring of the state; no new democratic institutions and structures created to represent the will and interests of the new progressive social bloc of students, workers, farmers, women’s organizations etc.; and no deep social transformation. In fact, the rapes and sexual assaults that occurred during the recent mobilizations were a graphic reminder that sexist and patriarchal ideas still ruled, untouched by this so-called revolutionary process.

The new Egyptian cabinet has been sworn in along with the interim prime minister and his deputies. Interim President Adly Mansour is swore in the 35 ministers with three deputy prime ministers during a quick ceremony. Interim Prime Minister Hazem el-Beblawi is putting together a cabinet largely of technocrats and liberals after the army toppled President Mohamed Morsi on July 3. El-Beblawi had nominated five women for Cabinet posts, including the health, information and environment portfolios. If confirmed, that would be the highest number of women to serve in ministerial posts in living memory. Three women were sworn in on Tuesday. Al Jazeera's Nicole Johnston, reporting from Cairo, said that there were many familiar names in the new cabinet, with seven holding posts in the previous cabinet.

Police used tear gas to drive back protesters, some hurling rocks, who had blocked a main route in the capital. The clashes came as a senior US envoy visited Egypt, saying it had been given a "second chance" at democracy. William Burns met interim leaders but was snubbed by rival groups, including Mr Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood. Meanwhile, the first cabinet to take office since Mr Morsi was ousted has been sworn in in a televised ceremony. Mr Morsi was ousted on 3 July in what many have said was a military coup. The army says it was fulfilling the demands of the people after mass anti-Morsi protests.

This time the Egyptian people did not wait 41 years to bring down what could be called the Sadat-Mubarek government. With a little help from their friends in the military, they did it in less than a year. Mohamed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood government is history. As in 2011 when their mass demonstrations forced out Hosni Mubarek, once again, in extraordinary numbers, the Egyptian people took to the streets of Cairo and virtually every other Egyptian city to protest the policies of the Muslim Brotherhood-led government of Mohamed Morsi. Two years ago, impressive enough at the time for sure, it was over a million people who converged on Cairo’s Tahir Square forcing Mubarek, a long time key American partner in the Middle East, from power.

The fear is that the forces that maintain hegemony over our society are using every means possible to prevent the further fruition of our revolution. This includes a dirty game of exploiting these recent events by purposefully deepening divisions within Egyptian society to make their rule unavoidable, more violent and even less accountable to the population at large. Since June 30, this has meant an unending stream of bloodshed among Brotherhood supporters and civilians either protesting them or caught in the crossfire or within sectarian battles. We are caught in a situation where a population is being held hostage and their death is being incited and capitalized upon by almost all political elites vying for power: the military generals, the Brotherhood and the liberals. Today we are still in the midst of the January 25 Revolution. We face a serious threat of its co-optation, but until now the power still lies with the people.

The very structures that oppress Egyptians will generate resistance as well as confusion and despair. Several members of the June 30 amalgamation have registered their own objections to the constitutional decree, an index of Bermeo’s other finding that citizens backing coups rarely support what the coupmasters do after they seize power. Having come so far, the country seems unlikely to accept a restoration that does not respond to at least some of the calls for bread, freedom and social justice. Perhaps the “deep state” will acquiesce in the foundation of a more robust parliamentary democracy than Egyptians knew under Mubarak. Perhaps it will find ways of easing Egypt’s economic pain, including the poverty, joblessness and truncated life chances that are the primary concern of most Egyptian citizens. And perhaps not. The downfall of Husni Mubarak is best described as half-revolution, half-coup; in Mursi’s case, the proportions may differ. The generals might like to write the revolution’s obituary, but it is too soon, and ultimately the pen is not in their fingers.

There is lots of ongoing news and drama from Egypt including increasing violence between the Muslim Brotherhood, anti-Morsi protesters and the military as well as updates on the shaky coalition organizing the transition government. This round-up of news from Egypt from Al Arabiya includes: Egyptian soldiers escape from pro-Mursi kidnappers, state TV reports, At least 42 killed in attack outside Cairo’s army headquarters, Egypt orders shutdown of Islamist party headquarters, Salafists pull out of government talks in Egypt, Egypt’s Salafist party rejects choices for premier, vice-president.

One of the biggest casualties of yesterday’s events in Egypt is US Ambassador, Anne Patterson. For months now, she has been insisting on a slanted reading of the political scene in Egypt, constantly letting the Muslim Brotherhood off the hook (in a bizarre move last week, she even visited Khayrat El-Shater, the strong man of the MB in his personal office), and giving erroneous accounts to John Kerry about the opposition to President Morsy. The biggest casualty, however, has to be Morsy and his Muslim Brotherhood, who have insisted on a disastrous reading of the political map after the revolution and succeeded in fooling Patterson (and many other western diplomats and journalists) of their delusional views.