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Egypt Court Jails Activists Who Organized Anti-Mubarak Protests For 3 years

Three leading Egyptian activists were sentenced to three years in prison each on Sunday in a case brought over their role in recent protests, escalating a crackdown on dissent by the army-backed government. Ahmed Maher, Ahmed Douma and Mohamed Adel are symbols of the protest movement that ignited the historic 2011 uprising against President Hosni Mubarak. Each one was also fined 50,000 Egyptian pounds ($7,200) by the court. As the verdict was read, the courtroom erupted in chants of: "Down, down with military rule! We are in a state, not in a military camp!" The case stems from protests called in defiance of a law passed by the army-backed government in November that severely restricts the right to assembly. Activists say the army-backed authorities, already pressing a fierce crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood movement of former President Mohamed Mursi, have in recent weeks started to target members of the secular activist movement. The case against the activists relates to a protest that erupted outside the court where Maher turned himself into the authorities on Nov. 30, heeding a warrant for his arrest on accusations he organised a previous protest without permission.

Egyptian Groups Say Now Worse Than Mubarak Era

The Egyptian government continues to commit violence and terrorism against the society under the cover of its war against terrorism. This highlights the continuous attempts to reconstruct the police state and reviving its power in the public sphere as it was during the reign of the deposed dictator Mubarak. In this context, the demonstration law was issued, contradicting the Egyptian constitutions and Egypt’s international obligations, aiming to oppress the right to demonstrate and the right to peaceful assembly. It was used in the last weeks to oppress several demonstrators, arresting different human rights defenders, fabrication of criminal charges and bringing them to unfair trials. The campaigns of intimidation and terror committed against civil society organizations; specifically, human rights organizations, with no political affiliations or bias but rather specialize in the defense of citizens’ rights. Therefore there is no doubt that the real reason behind these violent actions is to subject the public domain to full security control – an attempt to revive the pre-January 25th state.

This Is What Happens When You Outlaw Peaceful Protest

In many of the countries that experienced dramatic social mobilizations from 2011 onward, terrified elites are now drawing up laws banning the type of street demonstrations that kick-started the Age of the Protester, desperately trying to institutionalize their Thermidorian counter-revolution now that the movements appear to be on the retreat. But everywhere these type of anti-protest legislations are being passed, the attempted closure is only drawing people back into the streets. And so we find ourselves at a historical crossroads: now that the ruling elite can no longer command the voluntary consent of the ruled, they will increasingly resort to the use of force in order to retain their position of privilege. This leaves the movements in a frightening predicament. If the state’s inner bestiality is taking over from its limited human capacity to dialogue and reason, can we really keep fighting it through the same means? Does it really make sense to reproach a rabid and murderous beast with the cunning reason of man? What is the point in peaceful protest if the state simply outlaws it and arrests us for disagreeing in public? What future is there for us if we are to be mercilessly jailed or bankrupted, our lives destroyed, simply for calling on our fellow human beings to peacefully speak out against injustice? What direction is the state driving us into? And can the movements be held responsible for what comes next?

Driven By ‘State Injustice’, Egypt’s Revolutionaries Rise Up

But now that the heavy-handed tactics have come to the doorstep of the fundamental rights they earned by revolting in 2011 to unseat autocratic leader Hosni Mubarak, they are back on the streets. “Many people did not go out on the streets because of the absence of a clear demand. But, after a while, things have become clear again. The state is still trying to preserve and renew its oppressive tools,” socialist activist Khaled Abdel-Hamid told Ahram Online. “The interior ministry and all the security apparatuses are doing their utmost to exact revenge on the symbols of the January 2011 revolution,” added Abdel-Hamid, a member of the Way of the Revolution Front, founded in September as a third political force opposed to both the military and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Monday: Unchain The Gaza Sea

We are sailing at 10 am in the morning, keep us safe and keep us in your prayers. We need you to raise Awareness about us, fishing for freedom, we are going to Implement the International law. Sumud and Justice for Fishermen Freedom Flotilla. Armed only with international law, Palestinian and international activists will join Gaza's fishermen on Monday 2nd December at 9am, to Peacefully challenge the Israeli sea blockade of Gaza. Sumud and Flotilla considers that for too long, the international community has stood by the while Israel, and now even Egypt, Prevents Gaza's fishermen from sailing in their own territorial seas, and using the wealth of their own waters. "The fishermen of Gaza are Unable to support Themselves or our economy, and we are fishing for freedom under the international law and struggling to end this illegal blockade of Gaza and # advice I United Nations to protect Fishermen and Palestinians in the Sumud and Justice now Flotilla "said one of the Organisers, Majed Abusalama.

Egypt: “We Don’t Need Permission To Protest”

The protest law, draconian and kafkaesque in its very essence, is not the first time that laws effectively criminalizing protest have been passed since 2011. The army and the Muslim Brotherhood both attempted and failed to pass and enforce such laws. This new one comes under the trappings of the rule of law, supposedly free of political weight, but its intention is clear: to crush dissent and further empower the police to use violence and lethal force. Egyptian lawmakers even have the gall to use oppression abroad to justify a crackdown at home. This is not a call to reform the protest law. This is a rejection of all such laws and the system behind the law — a system that is merely a new face to the one we confronted on January 25, 2011. Following the military’s coup on July 3, the army’s head of command appointed a government that is made up of liberals, retired police and military generals as well as a few individuals considered participants in the January 25 revolution. In their attempt to outlaw any opposition on the street, the role of the liberals and deemed “revolutionaries” is to whitewash the violence of the security regime. These figures are the handmaidens of the attempt to re-create a pre-January 25 Egypt where the regime’s murder and torture becomes the norm. It is their role to prevent outrage on the street.

Tear Gas, Stones, Clashes In Cairo Amid New Anti-Protest Law

Police fired tear gas and used batons to beat back stone throwing protesters in Cairo on Saturday, as Egypt's constitutional panel began voting on a new constitution's final draft, amid fears that one of its laws may curb the right to peaceful protest. The clashes erupted between riot police and protesters a few kilometers away from Egypt's constitutional committee headquarters where the 50 member panel had begun debating the final recommendations for changes to the 2012 Islamist constitution. The demonstration was to condemn the detention of 24 activists who were arrested on Tuesday after taking part in an unauthorized protest. Among the protesters arrested was Ahmed Maher, who was one of the leaders in the 2011 uprising that ousted long serving president Hosni Murbarak. One of the changes to the constitution includes a law enacted last Sunday which allows security agencies to ban protests, which have not been previously reported to the Interior Ministry. It also sets high fines and prison terms for protesters who break the law.

Egypt Passes Law Restricting Public Protests

Egypt's interim president, Adly Mansour, has signed a restrictive new "protest law" that would require Egyptians to seek approval days in advance before organising demonstrations. The law will take effect later this week once the final text is published in the official state register. It gives police wide latitude to use force against demonstrators, which could give the government a pretext for a widespread crackdown. The law has gone through numerous revisions, but rights groups say the latest version requires protesters to seek approval from police three days in advance, and allows the interior ministry to block rallies that could "pose a serious threat to security or peace". Election campaign events are subject to a 24-hour notification period in some drafts, and "processions" of more than 10 people are only allowed for "non-political" purposes. Violators could face fines of up to $4,360.

Don’t Move, Occupy! Social Movement Vs Social Arrest

Regardless of their final present political fate, the global uprisings since 2011 have already established mass continuous occupation of public space as the dominant form of political struggle in the early 21st century: the coming together of people who have both withdrawn their consent to be governed by the existing order and, equally importantly, discovered the responsibility, dignity, difficulty, and — above all — joy of instituting a society outside of it. In so doing, they have challenged the periodization that separated a mass political uprising from the democracy that may follow it. The common feature of all these occupations was the creation of democratic forms within the space and time of the uprising itself. This was made possible not through a politics predicated on movement, but rather one of arrest, of occupation, in order to create sites for the collective restructuring of social relations and space.

Anarchists In Egypt, Will The Real Black Bloc Please Stand Up?

Egypt's Black Bloc grew out of their struggle for liberation from an authoritarian system, only after non-violent civil efforts had failed. While the group’s tactics originated out of a plan to protect women revolutionaries by forming a protective human shield around them at protests, the violence of the police and armed forces against peaceful protesters meant that the Bloc soon began to fight against the Morsi regime. Their mission they declare in the video, is to “fight against the fascist regime of the Muslim Brotherhood and its armed militia” Since Morsi was ousted, the Bloc has been fighting the military regime. The bloc’s goal has evolved to the “defence of the Revolution” against any dictatorial regime, be it military or religious. The Bloc’s members claim to have no affiliation with existing political parties and maintain that they have nothing against state institutions per se, "but against control by a particular system, the supremacy of a certain group." They further contend that "the best thing is to hit the existing system and its economy by sabotaging the system's institutions and not ones belonging to the public.

Hey Pro-Nuke Climate Scientists—Note Global Terror At Fukushima Four

Since March 11, 2011, fuel assemblies weighing some 400 tons, containing more than 1500 extremely radioactive fuel rods, have been suspended 100 feet in the air above Fukushima Daiichi’s Unit Four. “If you calculate the amount of cesium 137 in the pool, the amount is equivalent to 14,000 Hiroshima atomic bombs," says Hiroaki Koide, assistant professor at Kyoto University Research Reactor Institute. Former US Department of Energy official Robert Alvarez, an expert on fuel pool fires, calculates potential fallout from Unit Four at ten times greater than what came from Chernobyl. Tokyo Electric Power says it may start moving these fuel rods as early as November 8.

Canadians Held 50 Days In Egyptian Prison After Documenting Massacre Speak Out Following Release

"As Egypt sets a date for ousted President Mohamed Morsi to stand trial for inciting the murder of protesters and the Muslim Brotherhood calls for mass demonstrations, we speak with two people who witnessed one of the bloodiest massacres of Morsi supporters by Egyptian state forces. Acclaimed Toronto filmmaker John Greyson and emergency room medical doctor Tarek Loubani were in Cairo on August 16, en route to a humanitarian mission in Gaza, when they went to film a protest and then rushed to the scene of a massacre — Greyson reportedly began filming the shooting’s aftermath while Loubani treated some of the injured. Then, along with 600 Egyptians that day, the pair of Canadians were swept up and detained without charge. They were held in cockroach-infested jail cells with as many as 36 other inmates. Greyson and Loubani launched a hunger strike, while supporters in Canada mounted a massive campaign to lobby for their release. Then, in early October, the pair were freed. They have since returned home to Canada, where they continue to call for the release of their Egyptian cellmates who remain imprisoned. We go to Toronto, where we are joined by Greyson, who is also a member of Queers Against Israeli Apartheid. And in Ontario, we’re joined by Tarek Loubani, an assistant professor at Western University. He is a Palestinian refugee and one of the architects of the Canada-Gaza academic collaboration, a project that brings doctors from the West to Gaza to train physicians."

Where Are The Secular Egyptian Revolutionaries?

Activists from the Third Square movement are at work. Squeezed between a military clearing all obstacles to its rule and the Muslim Brotherhood, enraged by its swift removal from power in Egypt, revolutionaries who oppose both are counting their numbers after violent eviction from the streets. The Third Square is one of these movements, composed of revolutionary activists who came together to resist the country’s turn from revolution to civil strife following the mass demonstrations of June 30 against the rule of Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood. Since the Egyptian military’s bloody dispersal of Muslim Brotherhood protesters in mid-August and a curfew instituted since, Third Square has been forced into retreat. The movement’s future will have much to tell onlookers about the state of the Egyptian revolution. The young movement calls itself the Third Square because it deems itself the inheritor of the 2011 revolution and rejects what it sees as a reactionary religious order which, before being dispersed, was headquartered in Cairo’s Rabaa El-Adawiyya Square and a pro-military movement that had made its home in Tahrir Square. Third Square’s vision of an Egypt free of military and religious rule can’t become reality, however, without the mass of Egyptians behind them — the patience of many ordinary Egyptians is wearing thin. “I wouldn’t be surprised if people wake up soon to realize that the military won’t give them what they want, unless they fight for it.”

In Egypt, Demonstrations, Death Mark Anniversary Of 1973 War

A day of demonstrations has left at least 51 dead and 268 injured across Egypt, according to the government's Health Ministry. The toll has risen steadily through Sunday and includes at least one dead in the province of Minya, 150 miles south of Cairo, where police are reported to have fired live rounds into a crowd protesting the military-backed government. Police have used tear gas to disperse protesters in Cairo, near Tahrir Square, and in Alexandria, Egypt's second largest city. Egyptian authorities warned against anti-government protests Sunday as the country planned to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the October 1973 war -- often referred to as the Yom Kippur War -- saying that protesters would be treated as foreign agents.

Egypt Releases Two Canadians Held Without Charge

he renowned film-maker John Greyson and emergency medic Tarek Loubani had been detained for over seven weeks after being arrested while observing protests in Cairo on 16 August. Like many of the protesters arrested that day, they were held on suspicion of murder and intention to kill. In a letter their lawyers later smuggled from prison, the pair said they had been beaten in custody, and were being held in an overcrowded, cockroach-infested cell. Their release this weekend came as a surprise, coming shortly after Egyptian authorities ordered their detention for another 45 days. Officials had also recently implied the pair had been acting as foreign spies, a symptom of widespread nationalism and xenophobia that has spread across Egypt since the overthrow of ex-president Mohamed Morsi in July. The news sparked jubilation in Canada, where the pair’s detainment had become a cause célèbre, with Alec Baldwin and Charlize Theron among 150,000 people who had signed a petition calling for their release.
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