You may disagree, as I do, with some squatters and dislike the way they manage the building. This may also occur with any social movement. Take, for example, a controversial environmental action or policy — some are so single-issue oriented that you might think they do not address the core source of ecological problems. Regarding squatters, their economic troubles for daily survival, their academic obligations if they are enrolled in the university, or just their easy-going way of living may produce a low level of activities or social and cultural vibrancy compared to the standard expectations of those who conceive the city as a permanent off-limits growth machine. Obviously, it is this framework and its associated prejudices which prevent a careful consideration of the particular circumstances of every squat. The central or peripheral location of the squat, the speculation and gentrification processes surrounding them, and the more or less conflicting relationship between squatters and authorities, may determine the reach of the outcomes. In fact, these utopian, heterotopian and liberated urban spaces are also constrained by those and similar not-always-so-tangible powers.
I prefer to highlight the outstanding qualities of most squats. First, squats are built by squatters, active citizens who devote a great part of their lives to providing autonomous and low-cost solutions to many of the city’s flaws (such as housing shortages, expensive rental rates, the bureaucratic machinery that discourages any grassroots proposal, or the political corruption in the background of urban transformations). Second, squatters move but squats remain as a sort of “anomalous institution”, neither private nor state-owned, but belonging to the “common goods” of citizenship, like many other public facilities.